The culture secretary, Jeremy Hunt, has a problem. His instincts – and possibly his advisers and lawyers – are in favour of remaking the British media landscape by allowing News Corp to have full control of BSkyB. But with every passing day the politics of the decision become harder as more and more evidence comes to light that questions whether News Corp is really a fit and proper business to be allowed to become easily the most dominant media company in Britain – owning nearly 40% of the national press as well as 100% of a TV company generating £6bn a year in revenues.
Consider the latest allegations of criminality within News Corp. Its biggest-selling paper, then edited by Andy Coulson, recruited Jonathan Rees, a convicted blackmailer straight from a seven-year prison sentence, to add to the newspaper's formidable stable of other hackers, blaggers, bribers and snoopers. Until recently the best-known of these – because he was caught and convicted – was Glenn Mulcaire, whose speciality was illegal phone hacking, including the phone of Mr Hunt's predecessor, Tessa Jowell. Rees went much further, it is claimed, buying up policemen, hacking into computers, penetrating bank accounts and even, it is claimed, commissioning burglaries. His targets included cabinet ministers, chief constables, the most senior figures at the Bank of England, the royal family and intelligence officers.
How has News Corp reacted to the claims that this devastating pattern of illegal behaviour was commissioned and paid for by the company's employees? It has conducted the most feeble non-inquiries of its own. It has denied the allegations, throwing mud at its accusers. It has, it is claimed, threatened MPs inquiring into the charges. It has, at the most senior level, sanctioned cover-up payments to conceal evidence of criminality. It has refused to allow MPs to question its chief executive. It has misled the industry's regulator. Only when all other channels failed, and amid a tidal wave of civil legal suits, did it finally admit liability and try to buy its way out of endless disclosure of further damaging evidence by throwing money at the victims.
With any other company there would be calls for a wholesale clearout of those at the top – including the board, chairman and chief executive. But News Corp is a very unusual company, dominated by one family and quite unresponsive to normal political and shareholder pressure. The prime minister is a good friend of the chief executive of News International, and hired Coulson. Rupert Murdoch supported the Conservatives at the last election, doubtless hoping that some favours would be returned. If all this were happening in Italy, the Times would be writing thunderous leaders. But do not look to the Thunderer for coverage of this particular story. Without the scrutiny of other journalists, very little of this would have emerged. That's why media plurality matters – 37% of the press may ignore a story, but there will be others who won't.
It is obvious that the police must investigate the vast amount of Rees material, though it is puzzling why they have deliberately excluded it from Operation Weeting, the third Yard inquiry to look into phone hacking. But what of Mr Hunt's dilemma? On narrow grounds he may be tempted to wave through the BSkyB takeover. But how seedy the coalition government – including the Lib Dems, who were so vocal on this subject before the election – would look if that were to happen without also ordering a public inquiry to examine all the evidence that the police have been sitting on and about which, until recently, they did so little. If Cameron is disinclined to stir this particular hornets' nest (was his own phone ever hacked, incidentally?) then Clegg should force his hand. He will find British public opinion very much on his side.
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